Albania and the EU: membership by 2030?

#CriticalThinking

Democracy

Picture of Michele D'Orazio
Michele D'Orazio

Programme Assistant at Friends of Europe

Six years – that is how long it took Albania to open accession negotiations with the EU after being granted candidate status in 2014.

Seven months – the time needed to open 24 out of 33 negotiation chapters after the opening of Cluster 3 on Competitiveness and Inclusive Growth on 22 May.

Looking at these numbers, can we conclude that Albania will close all negotiation chapters by 2027 and join the EU by 2030, as declared by Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama? The answer is more complex than a simple yes or no.

Back in April 2009, Albania submitted its application for EU membership. Five years later, the Council of the EU granted the country candidate status, but only in 2020 were accession negotiations officially opened. Since then, however, Albania’s progress toward EU membership has proceeded at a decidedly more dynamic pace.

In July 2022, the first Intergovernmental Conference on accession negotiations marked a new phase in Albania’s path towards EU membership, with the approval of the Negotiating Framework and the launch of the screening process, which precedes the opening of negotiations on individual chapters. Until then, Albania had been progressing hand in hand with North Macedonia. However, in October 2024, the two countries’ paths diverged. While North Macedonia became stalled over constitutional changes demanded by Bulgaria, particularly the inclusion of the Bulgarian minority in its constitution, Albania demonstrated steady progress on EU-related reforms.

On 15 October 2024, Albania officially opened Cluster 1 on Fundamentals, the first cluster to be opened and the last one to be closed. Two months later, on 17 December, Albania opened negotiations under Cluster 6 on External Relations. More recently, Cluster 2 on Internal Market was opened in April 2025, followed by Cluster 3 on Competitiveness and Inclusive Growth on 22 May.

As of now, only nine chapters remain unopened, namely four under Cluster 4 on Green Agenda and Sustainable Connectivity and five under Cluster 5 on Resources, Agriculture and Cohesion.

Albania’s accession is possible, but only if all those involved in the process fulfil their responsibilities

In this context, while opening Cluster 4, Prime Minister Rama reiterated Albania’s ambition to close all chapters by 2027 and become a full EU member by 2030. The agenda was welcomed by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaja Kallas, who stated that Albania’s future lies within the EU. However, she also stressed the importance of unity among political parties in supporting the difficult reforms ahead, a clear indication that Albania’s accession is possible, but only if all those involved in the process fulfil their responsibilities.

Two of the most significant challenges Albania faces on its path to the EU are corruption and reform of the judiciary. Since 2016, the country has pursued comprehensive changes to align its justice system with EU standards. That year, the Albanian Parliament passed a constitutional amendment launching an ambitious justice reform, including a far-reaching vetting process. This process has reviewed hundreds of judges and prosecutors, leading to numerous dismissals due to corruption, organised crime links or lack of professional qualifications. A central part of these reforms is the Special Structure Against Corruption and Organised Crime (SPAK), established in 2019. SPAK is tasked with prosecuting high-level corruption and organised crime. It has taken legal action against several high-ranking officials, including former ministers, MPs and mayors. However, scepticism remains, as convictions are limited and the political elite still appear partly shielded from true accountability.

Also, while the vetting process has brought necessary scrutiny, it has placed heavy pressure on the judiciary, resulting in backlogs and delays. For many Albanians, these disruptions are a necessary cost of long-term change, yet others question whether the reforms are effectively addressing deeper structural problems. However, some positive trends are emerging. The improved performance of judicial institutions is beginning to rebuild public trust, albeit slowly, with SPAK being one of the most trusted institutions in Albania. Combined with Albania’s efforts to align its economic and trade regulations with EU norms, these measures could attract more foreign direct investment, accelerating economic growth and integration into the EU single market.

Although media freedom is protected by law, the reality is more troubling. Journalists frequently work under pressure and intimidation, which undermines press freedom

Beyond judicial reform, other critical issues remain, particularly in the areas of media freedom and minority rights. Although media freedom is protected by law, the reality is more troubling. Journalists frequently work under pressure and intimidation, which undermines press freedom. Many independent journalists report self-censorship, exacerbated by non-transparent media ownership and political influence. Investigative journalism, in particular, struggles under these conditions. That said, there are signs of improvement. In the 2025 Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders, Albania rose to 80th place, up from 99th in 2024. This represents an initial positive shift that could develop into a sustained trend over time.

In addition to this, Albania’s ethnic minorities, including Greeks, Roma and others, continue to face systemic barriers. Many individuals within these communities experience unequal access to education, employment and political participation. The issue of property rights adds another layer of difficulty. Disputes stemming from unresolved claims dating back to the communist era persist, with thousands of citizens remaining stuck in lengthy and costly legal proceedings as they seek restitution or compensation. Furthermore, external pressure from Greece regarding the treatment of its minority in Albania further complicates the situation. When combined with Albania’s still overburdened judicial infrastructure, it becomes clear that more comprehensive and effective solutions are needed.

These challenges represent one side of the coin on Albania’s path to EU membership, but it would be unfair not to acknowledge the country’s significant progress in other areas.

The EU’s 2024 Enlargement Package showed that Albania is fully aligned with both the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), as well as related foreign policy positions. Tirana has become one of the most reliable EU partners in the region, notably through its full adoption of sanctions against Russia and consistent political and military support for Ukraine. Albania also actively participates in EU crisis management operations, including EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its support for regional peace and NATO operations distinguishes it from other candidates whose strategic orientation remains less clear.

In the broader picture of the enlargement process, the EU Growth Plan for the Western Balkans, launched in 2023, also plays an important role. The plan supports economic convergence, regional cooperation through the Common Regional Market and the implementation of reforms crucial to the EU enlargement process. Like all other Western Balkan countries, Albania was invited to draft a Reform Agenda focused on key areas relevant to EU membership, such as the rule of law, democratic governance and human rights. Albania’s Reform Agenda was approved by the European Commission in October 2024. In April 2025, Albania received €64.5mn in pre-financing, including €30mn in concessional loans to support its budget and the implementation of reforms. Over the next decade, Albania is expected to benefit from nearly €1bn under this facility. This is an investment that could significantly accelerate the country’s EU path if effectively used to address systemic challenges.

Albania’s recent national elections, held on 11 May, are also worth mentioning. The outcome further solidified Prime Minister Rama’s leadership, providing political continuity that stands in contrast to the regional trend of instability, such as in Kosovo, where a political crisis broke out following the February elections. The formation of a new government committed to continuing EU-related reforms could prove to be a significant asset. However, concerns were raised about the fairness of the electoral process, with European Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos and High Representative Kaja Kallas highlighting high levels of political polarisation.

Rather than focusing solely on the 2030 target, it is crucial that Albania continues to deepen tis reforms, strengthen the rule of law and uphold democratic standards

This overlap of strengths and weaknesses makes Albania’s EU accession process more complex than it is often portrayed. In this light, whether Albania joins the EU by 2030 is not the most important question. Target dates often serve political messaging more than they reflect realistic timelines. Rather than focusing solely on the 2030 target, it is crucial that Albania continues to deepen tis reforms, strengthen the rule of law and uphold democratic standards. Tackling structural weaknesses – such as corruption, judicial reform and minority rights – while effectively leveraging tools like the Growth Plan and the Reform Agenda, must therefore remain central to this effort.

At the same time, it is important to remember that enlargement is a two-way street. While Albania must prepare to join the EU, the EU and its citizens must also be ready to accept new members. Institutional reform, public support and political cohesion within the Union are just as essential. Albania’s path to membership is progressing, but sustained effort on both sides will be essential to turn aspiration into reality. This raises a final, and perhaps more important, question: will the EU itself be ready for Albania when the country is ready, regardless of whether that happens by 2030?

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